ComEd has long been a source of political patronage. The company’s Deferred Prosecution Agreement with federal prosecutors even references how former House Speaker Michael Madigan’s “old-fashioned patronage system” obtained ComEd meter reader jobs for its precinct workers.
Madigan’s wasn’t the only patronage network to do this. It was a widespread practice and, as old-timers tell it, became even more important when Mayor Harold Washington, Chicago’s first Black mayor, cut some prominent white politicians out of the city’s patronage spoils.
Madigan came up through a city ward system that was fed by patronage. But his people would always say that because he started his career as an employee of the Illinois Commerce Commission, he didn’t much care for utility companies. So, when ComEd did things like fire a bunch of his Statehouse lobbyist allies during a 2007 battle with Senate President Emil Jones and Gov. Rod Blagojevich, he liked them even less.
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After Blagojevich and Jones departed the scene, Madigan was left as the unrivaled Statehouse king. ComEd bent over backward to get into his good graces and Madigan seemed, at least from a distance, to enjoy the groveling. It helped that Madigan’s own members complained at the time that the company’s services had deteriorated and that ComEd wasn’t respecting them when they complained. Madigan couldn’t have squeezed the company if his members loved ComEd.
The company eventually got much of what it wanted, but it always had to jump through Madigan’s many hoops, even more so than other interests did. Eventually, those hoops included things like funding no-show contracts for Madigan cronies through various folks in Madigan’s circle.
ComEd wasn’t alone, of course. Madigan’s crew put the arm on plenty of special interests. He would often bring hand-written lists of people he wanted taken care of to his meetings with governors. He was running a small army, and his soldiers required sustenance.
ComEd stood out partly because it often needed things, and because of its patronage history and because it had so many jobs and so much money for contracts. It was the old Willie Sutton story. When the notorious criminal was asked why he robbed banks, he reportedly said, “Because that's where the money is.”
And Madigan’s top lieutenant Mike McClain made sure ComEd’s key executives never forgot that Madigan could turn on them at any moment and the company would go right back into the penalty box. They complied mainly because they didn’t want any trouble, and when that compliance led to legislative successes, that, in turn, helped their own careers.
It was likely no accident that, after working closely with Madigan and McClain, ComEd CEO Anne Pramaggiore was being paid $2.7 million a year, according to Crain’s Chicago Business. Pramaggiore is now on trial in the “ComEd 4” bribery case, along with McClain and lobbyists Jay Doherty and John Hooker, a former ComEd official.
The federal government claims that their behavior crossed numerous legal boundaries. The defendants claim, in part, that this was simply the way things were always done.
But times changed, and Madigan’s demands became ever-more voracious while the feds were listening in. It was almost like making a U-Turn in front of a police squad car. They’re gonna get you for that.
If McClain had any doubt that the feds were looking at both him and Madigan, it should’ve been confirmed when he decided to cooperate with their investigation into a fraudulent scheme involving a federal immigration program that granted visas to millionaire foreign investors. The feds asked him at the time, for instance, why he used code words when speaking or writing emails about Madigan.
“McClain admitted that he ‘referred to Madigan as our friend in e-mails and in public conversations because people might be listening to or reading McClain’s conversations,’” the government claimed in a court filing last month.
The defendants also claim that the federal government essentially shoe-horned whatever they found into a vast criminal conspiracy case. They saw what they wanted to see, McClain’s defense attorney Patrick Cotter told jurors.
But the prosecution claims that Madigan could kill any bill he wanted to kill. So, Assistant U.S. Attorney Sarah Streicker told jurors last week, according to the Chicago Tribune, “The defendants bribed him, and they did so by paying Madigan’s associates through jobs and contracts at ComEd.”
And he did indeed get a whole lot of those.
Timeline: Looking back at the career of Mike Madigan
Early career

1965: As a first-year Loyola-Chicago law student, Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley appoints Madigan to a job in the city's law department.
1969: At 27 years old, Madigan is elected as 13th Ward committeeman in Chicago.
State office

1970: Madigan is elected to a state office for the first time as a delegate to the state's constructional convention.
1971: Madigan becomes the state representative for the 22nd Illinois House District on Chicago's South Side near Midway Airport.
1972: His friend Vincent Getzendanner joins Madigan to found a law firm, Madigan and Getzendanner, which is known for handling property law.
1976: Madigan marries Shirley Murray, who has a daughter named Lisa. Lisa was elected Illinois attorney general in 2003.
Chairman position

1998: Madigan is elected chairman of the Democratic Party of Illinois.
Blagojevich rift

2003: Rod Blagojevich, a Democrat, is sworn in as governor. Blagojevich and Madigan fought bitterly over budgets and rarely got along.
Income tax rate

2011: Madigan leads a historic effort to raise Illinois' income tax rate from 3.25% to 5%, the largest increase in state history. Democrats and Gov. Pat Quinn hoped it would alleviate pressure on the budget.
Rift with Rauner

2013: The Chicago Tribune reports Madigan used his influence to secure patronage hiring at the Chicago area's commuter train agency, Metra.
2015: Fierce fights with Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner resulted in Illinois failing to pass a budget by the beginning of the new fiscal year on July 1. Illinois would go over two years without a budget.
2016: Madigan's personal lawyer, Michael Kasper, successfully sues to block an amendment to the state constitution allowing legislative maps to be created by an independent commission, which would have taken power away from Madigan.
#MeToo movement

2016: Madigan leads a legislative effort to help Exelon, the parent company of Commonwealth Edison, secure funds for two nuclear power plants. The legislation leads to a $2.3 billion rate hike on ComEd customers.
2017: Despite a veto from Rauner, the General Assembly passes a budget, ending over two years of negotiations. It includes an income tax increase to 4.95%.
2018: The #MeToo movement enters the state Capitol and Madigan's inner circle. Former state Rep. Lou Lang was accused of inappropriate conduct but later cleared.
Firing aide

February 2018: Madigan fires aide Kevin Quinn after staffer Alaina Hampton shared messages with the Chicago Tribune describing sexual harassment from Quinn and Madigan's refusal to address the issue. Madigan settled with Hampton for $275,000.
June 2018: Madigan's chief of staff Tim Mapes resigns after allegations of inappropriate conduct toward a co-worker at the state Capitol. Employees of the Capitol, including lawmakers became required to take sexual harassment training at Madigan's direction.
2019: Springfield Bishop Thomas Paprocki bars Madigan, a Catholic, from receiving Holy Communion in the Diocese of Springfield after he supported a bill expanding access to abortion.
FBI raid

2019: FBI agents raid the homes of Madigan's closest political associates, including Mike McClain of Quincy, a former state representative and ComEd lobbyist. His phone was also tapped by the FBI. The FBI's work would eventually result in charges against McClain and others close to Madigan.
Jan. 9, 2020: Madigan declines to open an investigation by the state legislature into an email written in 2012 by McClain that refers to a "rape in Champaign."
July 17, 2020: Energy provider ComEd is hit with bribery charges. Madigan is implicated in the charges as Public Official A, the elected official the company sought to influence in exchange for his support on legislation between 2011 and 2019. Madigan said he was unaware of any attempts to influence him and did not take part in any unethical behavior. The FBI also delivered a grand jury subpoena to Madigan's state capitol office. That day, multiple lawmakers began dropping their support for Madigan's leadership.
Kifowit runs against Madigan

Oct. 1, 2020: State Rep. Stephanie Kifowit announces she will run against Madigan for speaker. It's believed to be the first time Madigan faced a serious challenge for the job from a member of his own party.
Nov. 18, 2020: Four of Madigan's close associates — Anne Pramaggiore, John Hooker, Michael McClain and Jay Doherty — are charged in the ComEd probe.